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Dragon Boat Festival at Keelung Harbour: Reality, Rituals and Symbols

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Welcome Canopy Inflatable on the Paved Patio of the South-East Side of the Harbour,  Zhongzheng Road [fig. 1]

Introduction

Duānwǔ jié (端午節), also referred to as Lóngzhōu jié (龍舟節), literally translating as Dragon Boat Festival, is celebrated as a national holiday in China (Yuan, 2009), as well as Taiwan. As a traditional Hàn (漢) Chinese celebration, it is calculated by the dates of the lunar calendar (Nónglì, 農曆) and always occurs on the fifth day of the fifth month (Yuan, 2009). In Keelung, it is commemorated by racing along the Keelung River as locals and tourists gather to watch. 

While my previous blog featured the monumental representations of the twelve animals of the Chinese zodiac (Shí’èr shēngxiào, 十二生肖), which race down the Tien-Liao River (Tiānliáo Hé, 田寮河) away from Keelung Harbour (see post: https://keelung-for-a-walk.com/culture/twelve-animal-zodiac-28206/), this time, on the second largest holiday of the year, it is the locals who race down the Tien-Liao River to the harbour, in a dragon decorated canoe.

Brief History of Keelung Harbour

 

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Hollywood Style Keelung Sign Above the North-East Side of the Harbour [fig. 4]
While the Sign is White during Day Light Hours, it Lights Up with Multi-Coloured Fluorescent Lights at Night: Blue, Yellow, Red and Green (See fig. 15.).

Keelung Harbour has been a major Taiwanese port since 1863 (Yang et al., 2016). It was first officially opened during the Qing dynasty (Qīngcháo, 清朝), whilst Taiwan under the governance of Qing Empire (Madden & Gerock, 2016). It was briefly occupied by France in 1884, during the Sino-French war (Stepanchuk, 2007). Though French occupation of the harbour was brief, lasting only until 1885 when it returned to Chinese possession (Madden & Gerock, 2016). Then in 1895 when it entered Japanese hands (Stepanchuk, 2007), until it once again returned to Chinese occupation in 1945 (Stepanchuk, 2007), and has remained under the control of a political agency officially named the ROC to this day (Madden & Gerock, 2016).

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Keelung Harbour: South-West, Elevated View [fig. 5]
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Keelung Harbour: West, Elevated View [fig. 6]
Whilst Taiwan (Republic of China, ROC) is currently in a state of independence from the PRC (People’s Republic of China) due to the post-Chinese civil war schism in 1949 (Tubilewicz, 2006). The Hàn (漢) Chinese culture remains.

 

The Stories of the Dragon Boat Festival (Duānwǔ jié, 端午節)

There are at least three renowned narratives which indicate the meaning behind the Dragon Boat Race. 

The Poet’s Protest: Qūyuán

Within the most prominent version, which was based within the Warring States period (475 – 221 BC), of the Zhōu (周) dynasty, (1046 to 256 BCE); Qūyuán  (屈原, 340-278 BC); poet and minister of Chǔ (楚) drowns himself in protest over the Qín (秦) government, as they sought to engulf and assimilate the state of Chǔ into their empire (Yuan, 2009).

After he threw himself into the Mìluó River  (汨羅江) Húnán (湖南) province, the locals who had supported him, rush to save his body in their boats (Yuan, 2009). They threw zòngzǐ (粽子) (sticky rice) wrapped in bamboo leaves into the river so that the fish would spare the man’s body (Yuan, 2009). The locals beat their drums (Yin, 2025) whilst this was an act to drive away fish (Zhonghai, 2023). It is also used within Chinese culture to ward off evil spirits (Yin, 2025), yet all was to no avail, his body was never found (Yuan, 2009).

The Commander’s Sacrifice: Wǔzǐxū

An alternative narrative features an earlier historical figure from the Spring and Autumn period (770–476 BC), of the Zhōu dynasty, named Wǔzǐxū (伍子胥, 526-484) (Yuan, 2009). He was a military commander and advisor for the King of Wú (吳) [modern day Jiāngsū (江蘇) province], who was forced to commit suicide by the King, by throwing himself into a river (Yuan, 2009). 

The Daughter’s Devotion: Cáo É

The third narrative tracing to Zhèjiāng (浙江) province during the Eastern Hàn (漢) dynasty (25-220 AD), features a young female named  Cáo É (曹娥)(Chen, 2016; Wu, 2013). Not only did her father drown, but she also followed in an attempt to rescue him (Chen, 2016; Wu, 2013). Of course this is alleged to have occurred on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month (Chen, 2016). As did the deaths of Wǔzǐxū and Qūyuán (Yuan, 2009); however, this story harbours an alternate ending in which the fisherman find her holding her father’s corpse (Chan, 2009). 

Beyond the Stories: The Taoist Philosophy of Time and Transformation

The story behind the Dragon Boat Race can be comprehended entirely in terms of metaphor and symbolism. The existence of each alternative version reduces the likelihood of their opposing counter tales’ validity. Furthermore, the origins of Duānwǔ jié trace back to prior to the birth of Qūyuán (Yuan, 2009). Even if we take the above figures as genuine and existent characters, as too their deaths, which all occur upon Duānwǔ. It appears that their legacies have been utilized in conjunction with the celestial cycles, by authors who have selected tragic deaths, which occurred on the fifth day of the fifth month, to make the Duānwǔ tale more dramatic (Alternatively, see the Sacrifice section for literal theories).

This article will address the core Taoist (Dàoshi, 道士) principles which they all stem from, as a means to elucidate the universal relevance of Duānwǔ, regardless of the historical validity of the narratives. 

Yīnyáng (陰陽), Time and Change

Rivers as Metaphors for Time

The prominent and common identifiable themes of the Duānwǔ narratives are: death; or more specifically suicide, rivers and sacrifice. Though the various narratives still contain, and convey the same Taoist concepts. Taoists metaphorically depict the cycles of time as rivers, as both are seen as natural phenomena that flow (Wang & Wilcox, 2015), hence why rivers appear within the narratives of two largest national holidays in Taiwan: Duānwǔ and Lunar New-Year (Nónglì xīnnián, 農曆新年). 

The Double Fifth

Similar to the solstice, this ‘double fifth’ (Duānwǔ) festival marks the point of the end of the growth: yáng (陽), and the beginning of the decay: yīn (陰); primarily in terms of  season change. Change in Taoism (Dàojiào, 道教) is referred to metaphorically through death and rebirth (Chóngshēng, 重生), as too are cycles of the moon, and its phases of yīnyáng (Wang, 2012). 

Hence, the death of the poet, which aligns with celestial change from the fourth, into the fifth lunar month is utilized within the intuitive communication hidden behind the overt legacy. As too are the deaths of Cáo É and Wǔzǐxū. The term Duānwǔ, while containing no reference to either dragons or boats, indicates this central point of a cycle and is the primal reason for this event. 

Archetypes: Why These Stories Endure

The concepts featured within the Dragon Boat narrative such as death, sacrifice, battles and grief are universal. Within a Jungian sense, they can be considered archetypal, whilst change can be experienced through these archetypal narratives (Edinger, 1991). The characters within each cultural narrative are unique and complex symbols to represent the archetypal information (Edinger, 1991). As it is through culture that we experience and celebrate the universal celestial activities and energies. 

The Dragon (Lóng, 龍)

The dragon was originally associated with the star constellations we see in the sky (Zuppan, 1990). As these constellations appear in the east, during spring, the dragon became symbolic of spring, and the lengthening of warmer days (Zuppan, 1990). Therefore, the dragon functions as an ideal figure to represent Duānwǔ. The dragon’s meaning was extrapolated to indicate spring rain, becoming symbolic of fertility, which relates to a good harvest (Zuppan, 1990). Hence, within the Lóngzhōu jié, the river becomes simultaneously symbolic of time and change yet, also of rain and fertility.

Spring associations led to the dragon’s use as a solar symbol, rising sun iconography transformed into a flying dragon motif, giving rise to the dragon as a means to indicate vigorous masculinity (Zuppan, 1990). These are the characteristics of the dragon which are displayed within the competition by the all male crew. As the Hàn peoples scriptures refer to themselves as “descendants from the dragon” (Sier & Barabantseva, 2024), the dragon’s characteristics are displayed in imitation of their heavenly father.

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Dragons Head, Mounted on the Front of a Canoe [fig. 7]

Dragon Imagery in the Canoe

The boats feature a dragon’s head at the bow of the boat (front) and a dragon’s tail at the stern (back). A Taoist priest paints a dot on the dragon’s eye to awaken the dragon, (Brook, 2003), thus, to bring its power from the heavens (Tiāntáng,天堂) to earth.

The paddles represent the dragon’s claws and the drumming sound created by the crowd represent the dragon’s heartbeat (Bridges & Ho, 2015) hence, people embody the dragon and in reality, regardless of if the dragon has spiritual power or not. It is they who bring good fortune to the other through their actions (see Sociological Support and Cultivation section).

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Dragon Tail on Rear of Canoe [fig. 8]

Sacrifice

While ancient Taoism contains animal sacrifice within ritual (Zhonghai, 2023), this is not a common practice of modern Keelung. There has been universal shift globally towards utilizing symbolism within social gatherings; thus, modern Taiwan performs predominantly figurative acts, as they take a day or two out, within a fast paced society, to commemorate their history and recognize the great Tao (Dào, 道). 

However, it was originally believed that the blood of an animal (Zhonghai, 2023), or even human (Brook, 2003), could be offered in petition with deities—an act of appeasement in exchange for such things as purification, protection, and fertility or peace (Brook, 2003; Zhonghai, 2023).

If, we interpret Wǔzǐxū’s life and death as literal. His suicide, by order of the King (Yuan, 2009), may be linked to human sacrifices for Duānwǔ jié. Yuan (2009) feels Qūyuán’s suicide may have been intentionally timed for Duānwǔ jié, for reasons relating to the afterlife. However, I believe human sacrifice is a better explanation, and as he was a poet, that this was intended as symbolic of an ancient ritual, potentially in imitation of the great Wuzixu. Or, even more realistic is that our scholarly analyses have identified intentional literary devices of hidden innuendos and complex analogies contained within the above narratives.

Likewise, the Cáo É narrative, as a more recent tale, has either integrated additional filial, Confucian (Rújiā, 儒家) elements into the Hàn dynasty rendition, by creating a fictional character, to match the contemporary trends in society within that era. Or, idolized a literal Cáo É, implementing her life story into Chinese history, due to the contemporary trend towards Confucianism (Rú, 儒) within that era.

 

Buddhism and Taoism: Attachments, Yīnyáng, and Change

In comparison with Buddhism, Taoism is more earthly. Taoism focuses on the main themes of nature and harmonizing with the changes of the planet (Wang, 2012). Buddhists (Fójiào tú, 佛教徒) just see change as the nature of samsara (Lúnhuí, 輪迴) and the eternal cause of suffering (Gyatso, 1995). Yet, both concur that change is a primal cause of suffering and for this reason Taoists seek extra protection at times of change (see Door Protection Rituals section). 

From a Buddhist perspective, we must show non-attachment, accept change (Gyatso, 1995) and thus, not be sorrow-stricken like Qūyuán. Taoists must move gracefully and harmonize with the forces of change (Wang, 2012). Furthermore, sacrifice may also be seen as a form of non-attachment, as we must let go of what we otherwise hold dearly. Thus, neither should cling to the past or material matters.

Within traditional Chinese narrative, symbols are multi-leveled in semantics. Fathers and families are utilized as microcosms of Kings and empires or states (Sangren, 2017). All earthly phenomena are of the same yīnyáng nature and there are macrocosmic connections between self and society referred to by the term tōng tiānxià (通天下)(Tian, 2000); the changes in yīnyáng polarity are referred to as tōng biàn (通變). These changes are cyclical, yet spirilling, creating analogous pairings between events throughout time (Tian, 2002). That is, the same yīnyáng changes occur within society and earthly cycles.

Hence, whilst The Qūyuán narrative primarily represents the annual changes of the fifth lunar month, it may also allude to the rise and fall of societies on a much larger time scale, as China or Qín as state rose and Chǔ declined. This possibility is not contradictory to Yuan’s (2009) suggestion that Qūyuán’s suicide was symbolic; this would in fact magnify such a drastic, yet poetic act of symbolism, which can be interpreted from Qūyuán’s death.

If Cáo É is seen as analogous to Qūyuán, then her father must be comparable to the state of Chǔ. Just as Cáo É died clinging to her dead father, Qūyuán died clinging to the dying state of Chǔ. Qūyuán’s mental anxiety was due to his attachment to the identity of Chǔ, and his refusal to accept the rising of Qín, while Cáo É’s death was due to her attachment to family, attempting an unattainable feat at her peril.

It often appears to be overlooked that these narratives contain symbols which forewarn people of the dangers of not adapting to changes in their own lives, as the forces of the earth change at this point of a yearly cycle (Gu et al., 2020). Such maladaptive behaviors will lead to stagnation and decay. 

 

Social Support and Cultural Cultivation

Within Taoism, the fifth lunar month is associated with misfortune (Gu et al., 2020). During the fifth lunar month, the hottest time of the year, calamities are more frequent due to changes in temperature, resulting in increased spread of  disease, as well as an increased likelihood of contact with poisonous and dangerous creatures (Wilson, 2020). Hence, the double fifth (Duānwǔ) occasion, from its origins until the present era, is one of the most vital times for families and communities to get together and offer support at a time when people may need support the most.

Modern scientific research indicates that strong social networks are associated with higher life expectancies (Bhatia et al., 2023). Contemporary research has attempted to search for the health benefits of boating, suggesting that Dragon Boat racing promotes physical health and psychological wellbeing (Parry, 2008). However, contrary to this, other contemporary research has found negative effects of Dragon Boat racing, as it is a common source of sports injuries (Mukherjee et al., 2014). Thus, boating is neither good nor bad, yet is simply symbolic, whereas increasing social support is a more reliable approach to promoting longevity, and comes closer to becoming a universal law of social sciences.

The main dish eaten on Dragon Boat day, zòngzǐ, interlinks with the Qūyuán narrative (Yuan, 2009). Since early times in China, rice was used as an offering to ancestors (Puett, 2005), the rice within the narratives is symbolic of an offering, thus elevating the ghost of Qūyuán to the status of an ancestor. The symbolism of the sticky rice triggers the cultural memory of the narrative; hence, the search for Qūyuán is re-relived psychologically through his cultural descendants.

Within ritual, body movements and repetition produce memories ingrained within the psyche and soma which interlink with the messages hidden within cultural narratives (Assmann, 2011). Therefore, I assert all ritualistic repetition of the Qūyuán epic and acts of embodying the dragon are contributory to the cultivation of self within the guides of the Hàn lineage. 

The story and practices may vary and adapt. However, paradoxically, the movements of yīnyáng at this juncture remain constant. As the movements of the planets are a macrocosm of society (Tian, 2000), it is just fitting to match the movements of the planetary cycles with corresponding sociological practices, thus to harmonize with the planetary cycles.

 

Door Protection Rituals

There are a number of plant remedies used in traditional practices association with Duānwǔ. These plants may also be used in rituals for bathing as well as for boiling tisanes (drinks) (Gu et al., 2020).

Contrary to an earlier post, which mentions door gods or guards featured at the entrance of temples and also homes (see: https://keelung-for-a-walk.com/culture/mazu-goddess-27225/), natural herbs are described as being placed at the entry of one’s home for protection.

Plants such as calamus and agaric are hung above the doors of people’s homes to protect them from evil spirits and diseases associated with seasonal changes in yīnyáng (Gu et al., 2020; Yuan, 2009). It appears that such practices were partially related to scents, which repel certain insect species such as mosquitoes (Gu et al., 2020), deterring them from entering homes. However, due to the loss of ancient wisdom in the face of modernity, this practice can be misconstrued as superstitious, yet not  practical.

Doors are considered the abode of protective spirits, relating not only to door gods but also to plants. (Kardos, 1998). The home is regarded as a macrocosm for the body, as is a temple (Sullivan, 1972), and doors are connected with the entry of energies. While hanging plants upon doorways is practiced in modern Keelung as a symbolic act within ritual, I suspect that the function of this act, is not only to deter the entry of insects on a physical level, but also to block energies on a subtle level, similar to practicing fēngshuǐ (風水). 

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Collection of Traditional Plants Hung Outside Door for Protection: Keelung for a Walk Headquarters, Keelung [fig. 9]

Tourism and the Dragon Boat Race: Keelung Harbour

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Welcome Canopy Inflatable West-Side Entrance Zhongzheng Road [fig. 10]
The event was held at Keelung Harbour, Zhongzheng Street. Zhongzheng Street featured an inflatable welcome canopy on the west side of the Harbour, which was lanyard-ID entrance only, used by the racers and associates (fig. 10). Family members and public spectators stood all along the west-side of the river to cheer on the locals and to take photographs. Whilst the south-east side of the river also featured an inflatable welcome canopy with multiple stalls and a portable wide screen upon the paved pavilion, where you could also watch the races from (see fig. 1 & 11).

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Large Screen Positioned on Patio Paved Area. South-East Side [fig. 11]
The gun sound signals the start of the race, each race is short, lasting around a minute. The racers: one team of sixteen locals in a red dragon boat versus a team of sixteen locals in a blue dragon boat, race south-eastward up the river from the starting line to the finishing buoy, whilst safety personnel stood by within lifeboats. After the race both the winners and losers raise their flags from their boats in celebration.

 

The racing tends to be in short blocks with interim breaks to allow the next crew to prepare. The opening ceremony was held at eight o’clock in the morning, and the event continued until after four o’clock in the afternoon, making good use of daylight hours. The opening sessions were spurred on by the sound of children drumming, thus mimicking the boatsmen in the legend. This drumming is regarded as symbolizing the dragon’s heartbeat (Bridges & Ho, 2015).

This act also contributes to the rhythm of paddling (Yuan, 2009), enhances team spirit (Yin, 2025). Hence, their heart is one with the dragon’s heart. Though this sound later faded, it was replaced by the sound of both traditional and pop music, projected from a DJ booth. This shift reflects the meeting of culture, myth, and legacy with urbanization in Taiwan.

This year’s event was held on the last day of May, and it was scorching hot in Keelung. While the audience might not stay for the whole day, the crowd remained hundreds strong throughout the whole event. They came to support their friends, family and neighbours and to recognize the need to harmonize with the planet. 

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Hollywood Style Keelung Sign Above the North-East Side of the Harbour at night. [fig. 15]

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Author Tang Long

Pictures by Tang Long

Follow Kane:
Kane Alexander (Tang Long) MA Ancient Religions. Taoist Author, located in Taipei, Taiwan. The creator of the 'New Yinyang Model of the Human Brain' & a student of both Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism. Kane Alexander is a modern philosopher who mixes both science-based and psychodynamic psychology with Eastern philosophy.

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