Keelung Ghost Festival (Jīlóng Zhōngyuán, 基隆中元) :An Interview with The Lín (林) Family during Pǔdù (普渡).

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The Lín (林) and Wú (吳) Families.

When the Hàn (漢) migrants settled in Keelung, Taiwan, during the Qīngcháo (清朝) within the early sixteenth-century, they brought with them their Chinese customs and traditions (Lín, 2025). There are now still twenty-one families, which comprise fifteen clans, who trace their descendancy to these settlers (Lín, 2025). It is their honor and duty to continue the tradition of pǔdù (ghosts festival). One of these families is the Lín (林) family. The ghosts festival is held annually, with each group or clan hosting once every fifteen years, with this year’s festival being hosted by the Wú (吳) family (Lín, 2025).

I was invited to Keelungs pǔdù, to meet with Lín family member: Benny, to assist me within my investigation, at the largest ghosts festival in Taiwan.

Buddhist Families and Taoist Families.

(Fójiào Jiātíng, 佛教家庭) & (Dàojiào Jiātíng, 道教家庭).

The first ghost festivals in Keelung, Taiwan, trace back to the 1850s (Lín, 2025). Whilst Lín (2025) reports that the Buddhist families within Keelung attest that the initial ghost festivals in Keelung were Buddhist festivals, he remained uncertain of their claim. During the first half of the 20th century, when Taiwan was a Japanese colony and the ruling class were Buddhist (Liao, and Wang, 2006). Taoism was suppressed to the extent that Taoists would disguise their practices of Taoism, as Buddhism, to deceive the colonial powers (Gao and Shannon, 1980). Hence, we can expect Taoism would not be explicitly practiced at pǔdù during this era and that these festivals would have been largely Buddhist.

Regardless of the extent to which these Buddhist expressions were genuine, ploy, forced or conformity. However, since Taiwan was taken over by the R.O.C (Republic of China) mid 19th-century, Taoism has been revitalised (Gao and Shannon, 1980) and now exists alongside and often merged with the Buddhist traditions, thus the records suggest Taoist involvement within Keelung ghosts festival increased last century (Lín, 2025) and although people may refer to pǔdù as the ‘hungry ghosts festival’ regarding the celebration as Buddhist. This is not entirely true.

Whilst some families within the fifteen year rotation are more so Buddhist, others are predominantly Taoist; and whilst some festivals have been predominantly Buddhist in decor and practice, others have been more so Taoist (Lín, 2025). Benny’s family, the same as the Wú family, are Taoist (Lín, 2025) and this year was undeniably a Taoist extravaganza.

Mountain Top Location. Keelung-for-a-walk escorted me to a mountain top location, where the public festival would be held. The electronic lift: Keelung Tower (figs 4-5) ensures the nearly 60 meter high summit is easily accessible to locals and pedestrian tourists.

Not only within Taoism, but also within Buddhism and Confucianism (Rújiā, 儒家), mountains are heralded as holy and often utilised as sacred sites; due to being naturally protective and life sustaining (Paracka, 2012). Considered the dwelling place of deities and spirits, both benevolent and malevolent, mountains became a place to conduct rituals for purification (Paracka, 2012).

Furthermore, mountains are associated with the connection between the heavens and earth, with the human as an intermediary, hence are associated with the bridge between the mortal and spirit world (Paracka, 2012). As pǔdù is claimed to be a point when ‘ghosts’ or ‘spirits’ cross over between the two realms (Lín, 2025). Zhǔpǔtán (主普壇) altar was built in an ideal location for such a celebration.

Gates of Hell.

Ancient Chinese mythology declares that during the 7th lunar month (ghost month) the ‘gates of hell’ will open and ghosts or spirits of the deceased will roam the earth (Lín, 2025). Zhōngyuán (ghosts festival) is on the fifteenth (or middle day) of ghost months, occurring upon the full moon (Lín, 2025). This date is regarded as the birthday of Dìguān (地官) (The Earth God)(Lín, 2025).

Legend declares that upon this day he has the power to descend to earth and forgive sins, per se (Lín, 2025). Which within the Taoist and Buddhist belief systems, would be better be described as to cleanse energies. The date itself is based upon and central to, an ancient Chinese (pre-Taoist) cosmological system called the Sānyuán (三元)(The Three Primes), in which the midpoint or full moon, of the first, seventh and tenth lunar months, form the focus of ritual (Lín, 2025).

Permanent and Temporary Shrines.

The shrine was built to be used exclusively for ghost month and remains generally dormant for the remainder of the year (Lín, 2025). Yet, the shrine is not used within the pǔdù festival. This is because it is customary not to light the incense for ghosts within the house, because within ancient Chinese traditions, it is believed this can invite or let the ghosts into the house (Lín, 2025). The same principle applies to the shrine. Hence, yearly each family builds a different artificial or temporary shrine in front of the permanent structure for the use of the festival, to prevent ghosts or spirits from entering (Lín, 2025). 

Additionally, there is a code: long stick for the gods and a short stick for the ancestors (ghosts), similarly, they use gold money (jīnzhǐ, 金紙) as offerings to the gods, whilst silver money (zhǐqián, 紙錢) is burnt as an offering to the ghosts (Lín, 2025). It is claimed that the incense acts as a form of communication between the living realm and non-living realms (Lín, 2025).

The incense transforms from a solid stick, to ash and a smokey gas, delivering the message as it transcends. Money burnt as a gift to either Gods or to ancestors in heaven is in exchange for blessings and protection; whilst money burnt as a gift to ancestors in hell is to ease their suffering (Lín, 2025). Though these codes may change crossculturally. 

Three Bamboo Beacons.

Bamboo poles are erected to act as beacons for the ghosts. There is a flag hung from the bamboo poles, one to signify day and another to signify night (Lín, 2025). According to Lín (2025) the larger the bamboo indicates the further distance from which the ghosts are invited from. If interpreted within literal terms, this may indicate how much energy the Dàochǎng (道場)(Taoist Community) can eliminate or purify. Lín (2025) reveals the folk tale that: “if you invite more ghosts than you can feed, a curse will be unleashed” . Which makes sense if interpreted as: a flow of negative energies accumulating, which is too big to be purified or dispersed.

Inviting the Ghosts.

On the evening before pǔdù, paper models of the houses termed zhǐzā (紙紮) were burnt, this communicates an invitation to the ghosts to come to the festival and that it is time to be fed (Lín, 2025). 

Chinese Lanterns.

The Chinese lanterns are hung and line the streets for over a kilometer and a half, from the Zhǔpǔtán (主普壇) shrine, past the bamboo beacons, to the front entrance, past the statue of Confucius (Kǒngzǐ, 孔子) and all the way down the mountain side to the Tiānliáo river, running along the riverside and adorning the Chinese Animal Zodiac (Shēngxiào, 生肖) Bridges, which decorate Keelung, culminating at the lion bridge (see fig 12). It is claimed that the lanterns represent the way to lead ghosts from the underworld, to the festival where they will briefly find refuge and solace away from hell (Lín, 2025). 

Liù dīng Liù jiǎ (六丁六甲).

Mythology declares that upon their arrival at the site, the ghosts are met by the two figures of the Liù dīng (六丁) and Liù jiǎ (六甲)(Lín, 2025). These two statues were placed on opposite sides of the main courtyard. These gods are exclusive to Taoism and have no inclusion within a Buddhist belief system. Liù dīng has a green face and Liù jiǎ has a red face. Liù dīng is regarded as six female (yīn, 陰) generals and Liù jiǎ is regarded as six male (yáng, 陽) generals (Liu, 2016). Hence, twelve in total, yet in this instance they are represented using just one statue each. These generals function as guards or ushers (Lín, 2025). Lín (2025) retells the folk tale that: “Liù dīng and Liù jiǎ will send the ghosts to the washroom to clean” . This narrative implies the cleansing of energies thus, renewal.

Liù dīng and Liù jiǎ are personifications of celestial time cycles interwoven with the balance of yīnyáng (陰陽) forces (Lín, 2025). Thus, they connect with the concepts of the ten earthly stems and the twelve earthly branches (Lín, 2025). Dīng is metaphorical death and jiǎ is rebirth (Kim, 2025). Liù dīng represents the time sequences when the qì (氣) energy of the seven stars associated with the Northern Dipper are in effect, whilst Liù jiǎ connects to the energies of the two hidden stars of the Northern Dipper within this time sequence (Kim, 2025). Both are involved with the elimination of negative energies and associated with purification of the mind and the physical body (Kim, 2025). Though admittedly, whilst Taoist. These energies of renewal are often labelled with the Buddhist term karmic (Yèlìde, 業力的) (Kim, 2025; Shi, 2025).

The powers which the statues represent not only relate to the cleansing of ghosts, which causes them to cross over, yet also relate to repentance and atonement in connection to the cleansing of the psyche of the living (Kim, 2025). There are two wash rooms, one for ghosts who are educated and one for ghosts who are uneducated, as well as different houses for these two types of ghosts (Lín, 2025)(figs 17-19). This revelation reflects the segregation of classes within ancient China, being: nobility and peasants. Yet, it appears this is not relevant to the varying levels of ignorance of hungry ghosts (èguǐ, 餓鬼) and spirits and is purely cultural symbology, rather than a religiously rooted concept. Though can be interpreted in terms of social and humanitarian ideals as an offer to liberate both the rich and poor from suffering. 

Notice the House for the Educated ( fig.18 ) is Larger and more Grand than the House for the Uneducated ( fig.19 ) .

Area for Ghosts.

The main central (blue faced) figure is the Taoist god Dàshìyé (大士爺)(fig. 20)(Lín, 2025), the name itself carries connotations of great, wise and old master. But, is generally translated unilaterally as the King of Hell. Lín (2025) explains that before the ceremony his eyes are covered, this is to prevent ghosts from entering his statue or body before the ceremony begins. However, the covers are then lifted allowing Dàshìyé to enter his statue (Lín, 2025). The white ghostly figure standing behind Dàshìyé (figure 20) is also one of the generals (see figs 15 & 16) i.e., the White General, who is ordinarily accompanied by the Black General (Zhōng, 2025). The White General functions as an assistant to Dàshìyé, aiding the crossing over of souls (Lín, 2025).

You may notice that upon Dàshìyé’s crown sits an image of Guānyīn (觀音)(fig. 20). Showing that he is also an emanation of Guānyīn. Guānyīn being a female Bodhissattva figure of ultimate compassion within Chinese Buddhism (Sangren, 2017). Hence, why his name can also be translated as Great Bodhisattva. Bodhisattva translates from Sanskrit as púsà (菩薩), despite púsà being an exclusively Buddhist term. Defined within its original context as: “one who seeks enlightenment for the benefit of all living beings” (Gyatso, 2007). Yet, the enlightenment debate is not relevant to the Taoist figure Dàshìyé.

Whilst it is commonplace for deities to have multiple forms in both Buddhism and Taoism. The connecting of Dàshìyé with Guānyīn displays the fusion of two traditions, whilst dissolving the term Bodhisattva inherited from India and Tibet, reshaping the figure of the púsà: Dàshìyé, as the more palatable ideal of: “one who embodies ultimate compassion” , for Chinese and Taiwanese audiences. Through compassion, the King of Hell: Dàshìyé guides the ghosts during the ceremony, after the ceremony his figure is burnt to symbolise his departure from this realm (Lín, 2025).

Whilst tourists may not recognise these white ladies (fig. 20). Lín (2025) explains they are non other than the covenantal five elements (wǔxíng, 五行) of Taoism (Wood, Earth, Fire, Water and Metal), ordinarily depicted pictorially within a pentagram as opposed to being personified and that their presence indicates the role and balance of the five elements within ghosts month as an astrological phenomenon. Yet, they can also be considered the four cardinal directions and centre point (Lín, 2025; Zhōng, 2025). Thus, representing the significance of the planetary cycles and balance within this astrological phenomenon. To which their meaning is both simultaneously. Lín (2025) explains that they are Dàshìyé’s helpers and metaphorically quote “are like children” . Which can be inferred from their position as lower and smaller than him, as too can the relationship between these forces and Dàshìyé himself.

Area for Deities and Gods.

Divine Bureaucracy.

There was an area reserved for the gods to reside during the festival (Lín, 2025). These deities are representative of a divine bureaucracy, divided into administrative divisions (Zhōng, 2025). However, this appears to be more than just a Taoist metaphor. It grants the appearance of a mirror-like reflection of the heavens on earth, of the literal bureaucracy. Within ancient China, the Mandate of Heaven (Tiānmíng, 天明) was a doctrine which advocated a system in which again, the Emperor or Tiānzǐ (天子) was an intermediary between heaven and earth (Sheposh, 2023).

Thus, was the middle character of the two bureaucracies, one literal (earth) the other metaphorical (heaven)(stars etc.). Forces are conveyed from heaven to earth via himself, to which exemplary conduct brought heaven on earth (Sheposh, 2023). Thus, his reign was ordered based upon and functioned in conjunction with the celestial bodies and energies of the Taoist heaven, which the pantheon represents. This system of government was installed within China from 1046 BC during the Zhōu (周) dynasty, until the foundation of the Republic of China in 1911 AD (Sheposh, 2023).

Upper-Rear-Tier.

Whilst the ruler of heaven and earth, within the Taoist pantheon is the Jade Emperor (Yù Huáng Dàdi, 玉皇大帝), the head of this alter is of course Tài yǐ jiù kǔ tiān zūn (太乙救苦天尊)(Upper Rear Position, fig.21)(Lín, 2025; Zhōng, 2025). Literally translating as: Celestial Worthy of Great Unity and Salvation from Suffering. His role is exactly what his name indicates. Alike Dìguān (the Earth God), his main role is pardoning the sins of both the living and non-living humans (Lín, 2025; Zhōng, 2025). Hence, why he is selected from the pantheon for this occasion.

Upper-Front-Tier.

The second-tier features a deity named: The Grand Pure One (Tàiqīng, 太清), also known as Dàodé Tiānzūn (道德天尊)(Heavenly Lord of the Way and Virtue), who in religious Taoism is considered a manifestation of Lao Tzu (Lǎozi, 老子)(Zhōng, 2025). Whilst Lǎozi is regarded as a member of the:Three Pure Ones (Sānqīng, 三清) along with the Jade Pure One (Yùqīng, 玉清), and the Supreme Pure One (Shàngqīng, 上清)(Zhōng, 2025). Upon this altar he takes the centre spot, without his usual associates. Zhōng (2025) explains the structure upon this pǔdù altar is hierarchical and that the order is organised from highest to lowest deity, based upon their subservience to other governing deities (which represent the interconnections between forces), though each arrangement can change depending on the occasion.

The figure to our right, with a dark face is Běidǒu (北斗), běi translating as north and dǒu translating as dipper, thus he is representative of the northern dipper star cluster. To our left is Nándǒu (南斗), nán translates as south, thus representing the southern dipper star cluster (Shi, 2025; Zhong, 2025). Within Chinese astronomy, these two clusters exist within a grouping of five, along with the eastern and western dippers as well as the central dipper, each of the five dippers deities are personified star clusters; and have multiple personified stars from this cluster as metaphorically subservient to them (Zhōng, 2025).

As the Taoist gods, within this instance are personifications of celestial bodies and principles, the arrangements are thus, methodologies for harnessing the cleansing or renewal energies from Taoist heaven relating to the stars. The northern and southern dippers are believed to relate to life and death (Shi, 2025). Hence, are representative of renewal and believed to be effective within the cleansing of negative energies of people, through forgiveness.

Jung and Archetypes.

Within a Jungian (psychological) sense, the stars are considered archetypal (Vaughn, 2023). The gods being symbolic of the stars and energies are thus, symbolic of these archetypes. Jungian theory indicates that these archetypes are both within the universe and within the psyche (subconsciously)(Vaughn, 2023). This tessellates with the Taoist belief system, that the mind, body and universe are all interconnected and of the same nature (Tian, 2000; Wang, 2012).

The above offerings are used symbolically within society. As well as for cleansing on the spiritual plains, which we receive in spirit or psychologically (Lín, 2025). The belief is that these images can convey powers both naturally through symbology, as well as through the energies bestowed by the priest, via chanting etc. (Lín, 2025). These images affect the mind subconsciously when meditated upon, especially upon this point of the astrological cycle (Kim, 2025). It appears that the external physical object has a corresponding component (archetype) in the mind, through these images the mind connects with the universe at large (Jung, 1953), also known as: the eternal Tao (Dào, 道)(Wilhelm, 2013); as the Tao is an eternally renewing infinity, the self becomes renewed also, through a greater connection and recognition of the infinity in conjunction with self, and others as infinity also.

Through the triad of interconnectivity: mind, body and spirit in Taoism (Woodward, Law and Buckler, 2020), the human interconnects and overlaps with the spirit world, in which multiple forms of entities can be either: external, internal or both (Chen and Zhang, 2025; Kleeman and Berling, 2000). This helps to understand how the pǔdù festival attempts to cleanse both the mind and spirit world through the same methodologies, i.e., using archetypal imagery. Whilst the unconscious mind exists on a personal level, it also exists on a collective level within both Taoism (Shi, 2025) and Jungian philosophy (Vaughn, 2023), thus, from the above perspectives a communal or collective cleansing is plausible.

Lower-Tier.

On the Lowest-tier of the pǔdù alter we find (again) Běidǒu, in the most left position. Second to the left is the Western Dipper Deity, third to the left is Tiānhuáng Dàdì (天皇大帝 )(Great Heavenly Emperor). He is part of a group of four deities named the: Four Sovereigns (四御, Sìyù), who are high ranking officials subordinate to the Jade Emperor (Suleski, 2018) and he is associated with the Gōuchén (勾陳)(curved array) star clusters located around the northern polar region (Schipper and Verellen, 2019), as well as the heaven, earth and man triad (Kohn, 2001), as discussed in the’mountain top location section’ as well as in reference to the Tiānzǐ (天子).

In the centre position is: Central Dipper, Chief Inspector; Twelve Star Lords (中斗總監, 十二星君, Zhōng dǒu zǒng jiān, Shí’èr xīng jūn). This is in effect one deity, composed of two deities; who both represent larger star clusters; each of the stars within these clusters are often personified as deities individually also.

Right from the centre we find the Jade King of Longevity (Yù Huáng Dàdì, 玉皇大帝). He is representative of the star Canopus (Shòu Xīng, 壽星) and associated with the south pole (Shi, 2025). As another member of the Four Sovereigns, he is of high rank (Suleski, 2018), thus functions as a superior to Southern Dipper Deity, who is featured second from our right (thus, also featured twice). Whilst third from the right is the Eastern Dipper Deity.

Alternative Arrangement

Zhong (2025) alludes to a similar arrangement upon his altar at local Qìng’ān temple, Keelung, which features the same three deities, as on the pǔdù alters middle-tier. However, on his alter, whilst Lǎozi was still in the middle position, the Northern Dipper and the Southern Dipper Deities had swapped places. 

Whilst I expected variation to exist between Keelung and other ghost festivals internationally. Zhōng (2025) explains that this inherited tradition, even within an area as small as Keelung, has split into different lineages, to which each master may create his own recipe, per se. Whilst recognising the arrangement the at Qìng’ān was not specific to pǔdù. On this occasion, the (Zhōng’s, 鐘) master of Qìng’ān palace, still felt that the configuration of certain deities of the Wú family’s altars may be wrong (Zhōng, 2025).

Competition

The Keelung ghosts festival is renowned for competition between families. Lín (2025) retells the legacy of how the early migrating families’ feuds were quashed and the energy redirected. After the fighting stopped, the families agreed to compete through civil forms; i.e., who could host the greatest festival (Lín, 2025).

Warriors for Entertainment.

These warriors are symbolic of the warring factions of the Hàn migrants in Keelung [e.g, Benny’s ancestors, fig. 23], yet, also the concept of entertainment for the ghosts (Lín, 2025). This displays how the original ghost festival narrative of China, has not only been merged with Buddhism, but upon entering Taiwan, Taiwanese history has also been merged into the narrative. It is vital to comprehend despite Taoism and Buddhism both having extensive pantheons of hundreds of gods, deities, and dharma (Fófǎ, 佛法)(doctrine) protectors. These are not any of the above in any regard, they are warriors and are specific to not only ghost festivals, but also to Keelung. 

Puppets for Entertainment. 

There are thirty-six types of hungry ghosts (èguǐ, 餓鬼)(pretas) in Buddhism (Moretti, 2017). Besides the two forms of ghosts within Taoism which have specific relevance to this occasion: the lonely ghost, who has no descendants to grant offering to them and: the cared for the ghost, who does (Lín, 2025). Within Taoism or the Chinese folk religions (mínjiān zōngjiào, 民間宗教), the cared for ghosts need not attend the festival, they live on an altar in the home of their own descendants, and thus receive offerings, therefore of the latter two, it is the lonely ghosts which form the focus of needed attention at the pǔdù festival (Lín, 2025).

Whilst these ghosts are from two different traditions; the lonely and cared for ghosts originating within Taoism or the folk religions (Lín, 2025). Thus, historically connecting to zhōngyuán and pǔdù. And the hungry ghost, originating within Buddhism and Hinduism (Moretti, 2017) Thus, originally unconnected to zhōngyuán and pǔdù. Taiwan, just as China, merges all of the ghosts into one narrative.

Yet, the concept that some ghosts may have malevolent nature is a thin thread which joins the two traditions (i.e., Buddhism and Taoism). These ghosts may be seeking not only food, but other forms of pleasure also (Lín, 2025). That is why on stage entertainment is provided to distract the ghosts and prevent them from seeking malevolent pleasures and committing unpleasant acts to humans (Lín, 2025).

Symbolic Offerings for the Three-Primes (Sānyuán, 三元).

Besides entertainment, the main way in which all ghosts during pǔdù festivals globally are treat historically is with offerings of food. Offerings come in many forms and are the main method to achieve cleansing and renewal, through giving, as associated with forgiveness. Yet, in Keelung, this became another way in which the families could compete, e.g., through the styles, novelty and originality of the offerings (Lín, 2025). This year’s display (as the usual Taoist convention) included a selection of symbolic plastic animal offerings (see figs 25-27).

These offerings are historically segregated into three sections (Lín, 2025). Birds were offered to represent the sky, land animals were offered to represent the earth and aquatic animals were offered to represent water or sea (Lín, 2025). The three forms of offerings interlink with what Taoists refer to as the Sānyuán (The Three Primes). The 15th day of the 1st, 7th and 10th lunar months, are the key dates within this category of ritual worship (Lín, 2025).

Therefore: offerings of birds are given to the: Officer of Heaven or Sky (Tiān Guān, 天官); his metaphorical birthday is the 15th day (full moon) of the first lunar month; being the first part or Upper Prime (ShàngYuán, 上元) of the Sānyuán. 

Offerings of land animals are granted to the: Earth Official (Dì Guān, 地官). As briefly mentioned previously, his metaphorical birthday is on the 15th day (full moon) of the seventh lunar month: being the second part or Middle Prime (ZhōngYuán, 中元)(Ghosts Month/Festival) of the Sānyuán.

Whilst aquatic animals are offered to the: Water Official (Shuǐ Guān, 水官). His metaphorical birthday is the 15th day (full moon) of the tenth lunar month; being the final part or Lower Prime (XiàYuán, 下元) of the Sānyuán. 

However, other offerings were very real, yet offered in exactly the same way.

Sacrificial Offerings for the Three-Primes (Sānyuán, 三元).

This year was hosted by the Wú family, who just as the Lín family are Taoist (Lín, 2025). In front of the red-clothed offering-tables, there was a huge pig, which had been sacrificed as an offering, alongside sacrifices of real fish and real birds (Lín, 2025). 

These animals, whilst considered gory in comparison with the plastic offerings. Are considered humane in comparison with the human sacrifices. Which are rumoured to have existed within the early origins of ghost festivals within ancient China, to which the pig functions as a modern replacement for a real human life (Lín, 2025). Blood however, is still regarded as a powerful potion used within nature worshipping offerings, as petition with deities for purification (Brook, 2003; Zhonghai, 2023). This is generally a universal belief of all nature worshipping societies, and is utilised within rituals linked with Duānwǔ jié (端午節, Dragon Boat Day), thus is unexclusive to ghosts festival.

Alternatively, the Taoists also use the traditional symbolism of ginger to represent the earth and salt for the sea (Lín, 2025). It is a widespread concept of using natural and organic substances as offerings to elements within multiple nature worshipping traditions. However, whilst certain elements are universal (e.g., earth and water), the specificity of purpose and symbology chosen for the offerings changes crossculturally. As too does the selection of elements chosen for a specific system.

Within Jungian terms, earth, water and air are again archetypal elements (Carter, 2011) and thus, are being offered to archetypal gods, representing concepts and elements of this universe. Though the offerings at pǔdù are incomparable to a the original styles of Mahayana (Dàchéng, 大乘) Buddhist offering.

Buddhist Offerings.

Conventional Buddhist offerings are not earthly, and are often made to images of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, e.g., to a merit field (Fútián, 福田)(Gyatso, 1990). Though merit field pictures may contain some earthly symbology, Jung cites such images of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas as symbols of archetypes, which have emerged from the Sambhogakaya (Bàoshēn, 報身)(Bliss body)(Jung and Fordham, 2023).

Within a Buddhist belief system, the 2nd body of a Buddha (bliss body) is not characterised by earthly ideals, as its origins transcend this universe to purelands (Jìngtǔ, 淨土) and Buddha fields (Fó guó, 佛國)(Lopez, 2002). Such locations are not synonymous with and are very disimilar to the Taoist conceptualisations of heaven (Tiān, 天). Yet, the Taoist concept of renewal, on pǔdù, runs parallel to non-attachment within Buddhism. Thus non-attachment can be practiced by a Buddhist upon this date, as can the universal concept of forgiveness, which also interlinks with the principles of renewal.

Sacrificial Animal Offerings.

Most Buddhists have stringent prohibitions against killing within their precepts as well as restrictions around the consumption of meat (Yü, 2021). In fact, according to a pre-Chinese Mahayana Buddhist belief system, men who fish rivers may reincarnate as fish, and fish who get caught and eaten, may reincarnate as men (Gyatso, 1990). Hence, from a Buddhist perspective, the offering of a pig is an act which may accumulate the negative karmic repercussions to be reborn as a pig in a future lifetime.

Conversely, within the classical Mahayana text: Jataka (Běnshēng, 本生)(birth) tales, believed to have entered Chinese Buddhism around the Northern Wèi (魏) dynasty (439-534 AD), Buddha (Fó, 佛) Sakyamuni (Shìjiāmóuní, 釋迦牟尼 ), within a past lifetime, sacrifices his human body out of compassion to save a starving tigress and her cubs (i.e., by being eaten)(Martin, 2014). Thus, at face value this displays inverse hippocriticism, when attempting to teach the highest forms of selflessness pertaining to showing compassion to all living beings.

Taoism’s core values are also against ritual sacrifice and the consumption of meat; however, the prior attitudes within China were too strong for the populous to adhere to such constraints (Kleeman, 1994). Lǎozi himself declared meat was essential to manifest his numinous powers which vegetarian sacrifices could not grant (Kleeman, 1994). Whilst Zhuāngzǐ (莊子) was amongst the protestors and declared animal sacrifice was frivolous (Zhuangzi and Ziporyn, 2009).

Eventually, Taoism made exceptions to accommodate the blood rituals of the ancient folk traditions and the consumption of meat, as too did Chinese Buddhism (Kleeman, 1994). Whilst recognising that neither all Buddhist nor all Taoists, can be placed within one category. Keelung ghosts festival cannot exclusively be classified as either Buddhist or Taoist exclusively and must be viewed as an amalgamation of at least three lineages including the folk traditions, besides Confucianism and potentially Hinduism.

Alcoholic Offerings.

Libation is a universal ritual within human behaviours, occurring intercontinentally from the the ancient Egyptians (Klingbeil, 2018) to the Aztecs within the Americas (Booth, 1966) and has been practiced across China since the Neolithic period (10,000-2000 BC), within rituals to commune with ancestors (Li, 2022).

However, Lín (2025) claims the alcohol placed upon the large red-clothed offering-tables at Keelungs pǔdù festival was a symbolic gift or gesture, for the western ghosts who have died during battles within colonial periods of Keelung, such as during the Sino-French war.

This creates a double en tendre. Thus, alcohol functions simultaneously as a concoction which can aid a commune with beings of an alternate plain, but also represents water under the bridge; meaning compassion towards their former adversary. Hence, it becomes difficult to decipher if this act was conducted ambiguously, as a form of libation and a gesture; or if it has been adapted from ancient alcoholic libations and is now entirly a symbolic gesture, born from cultural narratives specific to Keelung, as well as universal libations.

Empty and Hollow Gifts.

Within Mandarin the expression lànshú (爛熟) translates as well cooked, yet is an idiom which implies; to know well. Yet, the food offered in figure 29. is completely raw, this symbolically implies: I don’t know you, in reference to the ghosts (Lín, 2025). Secondly, these vegetable stems are completely hollow to represent heartlessness, indicating the real truth that: my kindness is a vizard and I don’t really like you (Lín, 2025). Of course, this is why the ghosts are ushered to leave post the ceremony (Lín, 2025). 

The Spraying of Water,

One of the ways in which compassion is shown for the hungry ghosts is through the spraying of water upon the food (Lín, 2025). In Buddhism it is believed that when some of the hungry ghosts attempt to eat food, their inner defilements such as greed, envy and hatred cause flames to project from their mouths, causing any food or drink they attempt to consume to be destroyed (Gyatso, 1990; Lin, 2025). Therefore, it is tradition that the priest’s assistants and stewards will symbolically spray water over the food offerings, to cool it down, to cool the mouth of the ghosts so they can eat again (Lín, 2025). Whilst outwardly, this act is to help the ghost. Inwardly, this can be interpreted as an act to cultivate compassion within Buddhism, whilst functioning as an act of giving upon zhōngyuán, within Taoism.

Yet, unlike certain archetypal Taoist acts during pǔdù, this can not be interpreted as literal. Even if, you believe in the hungry ghost (èguǐ). This preta (èguǐ) is a being which according to the pre-Chinese doctrines, is bound to, and thus cannot leave its realm (Gyatso, 1990). Thus, the ancient belief of the opening of the gates of hell within Taoism and the folk tradition was connected to the deceased spirits of people, pre-rebirth [i.e., the lonely and cared for ghosts](Lín, 2025). Whilst the èguǐ differs as has already been reborn upon a lower realm (Gyatso, 1990). The original Mahayana Buddhist practices are to avoid such (èguǐ) rebirth, yet do not include giving ritualistic offerings to such beings (Gyatso, 1990).

More Traditional Folk Tales.

Whilst free bottled water was available throughout the festival. Towards the end: rice, candy and beer was offered and even thrown out to the crowd. Whilst candy along with the other foods are given to the hungry and lonely ghosts, as a method to appease their hunger (Lín, 2025). This as the other offerings can be eaten by the attendees. This food is considered blessed and the benefits are received by the consumer (Lín, 2025). Whilst blessed by the Taoist Priest, such beliefs have parallels within Buddhism. Yet, the giving itself can also be considered a quintessential example of practicing humanistic Buddhism on pǔdù.

In comparison with the Lunar New Year in Keelung, this food given tends to be food that can be eaten quickly. Lín (2025) evaluates the folktale that: “The food has to be eaten quickly, before the ghosts eat it!” , by explaining the reality that during this ‘Mid-Summer Festival’ , the temperature is a lot higher than at ‘Spring Festival’ , therefore, this gets taken into consideration when planning the offerings, by arranging foods that can be consumed, before they go off in the heat of Taiwanese summer. 

Lín (2025) also recalls the folktale that each year, more and more gifts must be given to satisfy the hoard of ghosts you have onboarded, otherwise a curse will be unleashed. However, this tale may link to the competition of grandeur at Keelung’s ghost festival. More so than the spiralling increase in the Taoist philosophical belief system (Tian, 2002).

Musical Cultivation.

The festival begins utilising the ancient Taoist style by which musical instruments signal each stage of the festival’s procession through traditional Chinese music (Lín, 2025). Music within Taoism, like Confucianism, is an integral part of harmonious cultivation as well as education (Wang, 2024).

Music, just like alcohol and incense, are amongst the most common forms by which people commune with both gods and spirits, as well as functioning as a form of ritualistic entertainment. Considered a language in of itself, folk music was at the primal foundations of Chinese society and played a fundamental role within ancient societies for communication (Hu and Wang, 2024), which was vital within periods of general illiteracy nationally. Modern day traditional music remains a key construct within Hàn identity (Hu and Wang, 2024) and remains a social norm, frequently audible in the Keelung streets from Taoist groups to this day, e.g., the proceeding moon day festival parade.

The chanting referred to as zhāi jiào (齋醮) was performed by both the priest as well as the younger generation of apprentices, who were seated to his left, and to the right of the band. The chants were dedicated to gods such as Tàiyǐjiùkǔtiānzūn (太乙救苦天尊): the god of universal salvation (Lín, 2025). Thus, it forms part of the purification ritual for forgiveness.

The music stops and fire crackers are exploded to signal that this is the end of the show. Not only must the ghosts leave, the people must go home also. 

Ritualistic Burning.

After the crowd begins to clear, the decorative paper ornaments (zhǐza)(houses etc. figs 17-19) along with joss paper mounted upon them are burnt. This ritualistic behavior is quintessential for Hàn people. Whilst certain elements of pǔdù are distinct and even often specific to Keelung. Others are common practices which will be performed on most occasions within both Buddhism and Taoism globally.

Whilst the burning is ritualistically symbolic of closure (and renewal) in of itself, as the end of a ceremony. It serves two other main purposes, whilst again the smoke is believed to metaphysically transcend to the spiritual realm, or descend to the lower realms (Lín, 2025). It is a respectful act in both Taoism and Buddhism to burn any paraphernalia with holy writing, symbols or images of deities, which should not ritualistically be placed in bins, as symbolically is to disregard the gods (Li and Zhang, 2024; Williams-Oerberg and Brox, 2022). 

Skeptical Reflection.

Sociological Observations.

Whereas we cannot validate the existence of spirits or ghosts. The deceased ancestors of the Hàn migrants attend the pǔdù festival through their descendants, whom they live through. Whilst the burning of the paper houses is a ritualistic act for the invitation for the hungry and lonely ghosts (Lín, 2025), its is the living towns people who follow the Chinese lanterns along the Tiānliáo River to the Zhǔpǔtán shrine, and respond from a great distant when they know the bamboo poles have been erected once again. It is us who eat the offerings and us who were entertained by the event, hopefully leading us away from otherwise malevolent actions, through our religious binding. Ironically, I was one who could not enter the family sacred shrine. I was an individual whom they did not know well, who had to leave at the end of the ceremony. Whilst the offerings of alcohol and foreign foods are dedicated to ghosts of colonial periods (Lín, 2025), I feel in reality this offer is also towards foreign tourists and expats and symbolic of forgiveness of their ancestors. Like observing the mirror between the mortal world and alternate plains, I was the person who received the water from the festival assistants, not the hungry ghosts. The certifyable target of forgiveness is not the ghosts, but ourselves and each other.

Confucian Perspectives.

Despite my original statement that the festival is a shared responsibility of either the Buddhist and Taoist family lineages (Lín, 2025), many attendees report having multiple religious identities, within their Taiwanese ethnic identity. Whilst many of the Confucian duties of filial piety (xào,孝) upon zhōngyuán are conducted privately at home, i.e., to ‘the cared for ghost’ (Lín, 2025). The large Confucian statue is a permanent structure at the front entrance to Zhǔpǔtán alter, thus Confucius is ever present within Keelung’s ghost festival, and is also the host to usher us in (fig 11).

Within the analects Confucius says “worship the ancestors, as if they were present” (Ames, 1999). Thus, from a Confucian perspective unlike either Taoist or Buddhist perspectives, it is of less importance to know if the ancestors receive our gifts or not. Though ancestral reverence and worship of the deceased (of any kind) is a form of paying respect, which cultivates self and serves as an example of correct conduct to others for societal structure and values, termed: ritual propriety (Lǐ,禮)(Ames, 1999). Though at face value, such Confucian ideals are more related to Taoism, and are less applicable to the hungry ghosts (pretas).

Psychodynamic Perspectives.

Finally, from a Freudian (psychological) perspective, all of these gifts to ghosts can be interpreted as acts of displacement and rationalisation. Displacement in this instance being: a method which masks our affection, to avoid awkwardness thus, making it easier to give, by giving to a ghost, rather than to friends, family and total strangers (Freud, 1987). Whilst rationalisation: would be the cultural narrative or story of why (Freud, 1987) we give to ghosts, which makes our masks more convincing.

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Author Tang Long.

Pictures by Tang Long.